This question recently came to us via comment, and it is a question we frequently get from those outside our movement. While we typically offer more direction and coordination for RAIM cadre, the below answer represents our basic public strategy which anyone can follow.

How can a First Worlder be effective beyond supporting third world nationalist struggles? What to do at home?”

The answer to the question requires two parts: first, strategic tasks; and second, the forms and methods of work through which these tasks are accomplished.

Strategic Tasks

Our tasks describe our basic goals: what we want to accomplish.

Our primary task is to develop awareness, engagement, and adoption of Maoism (Third Worldism) and opposition to First Worldism on the international stage.

Locally, within First World countries, we aim to:

  1. Develop public opinion in support of global new democratic and proletarian revolutionary struggles.
  2. Promote and aid national liberation consciousness and action.
  3. Develop subjective conditions conductive to future revolutionary movements, including future organizational, social, an ideological revolutionary nuclei.

These tasks are intimately related and mutually reinforce each other.

For example, the development of a revolutionary situation in imperialist countries will depend, in great deal, upon structural crises to the imperialist system. Such crises can best be delivered and sustained by the growth and success of revolutionary forces internationally. The growth and success of revolutionary forces internationally depends in great deal on the defeat of First Worldist revisionism, a battle against which we must consciously engage. Finally, our work to build solidarity in the First World for global new democratic, proletarian, and national liberation struggles hastens the necessary victory over First Worldism while simultaneously building the subjective forces for revolution within the First World.

Forms and Methods of Work

While RAIM has set several precedents with regards with the forms and methods of work (including activism and protest organizing, public and private political education, and internationally-visible media work), these should not be seen as the natural limit of ways to manifest our goals. In reality, any number of practical tasks could be oriented toward advancing our basic strategy. As an organizational requirement, all members of RAIM must be consistently engaged in projects which directly or indirectly advance our goals.

As an organization, we are not interested in dictating the technical and practical details of cadre projects. Instead, we hope to create a broad network of mutual assistance for the greatest collective effect of said projects.

Above all, comrades should be creative. If non-RAIM comrades really can not think of practical ways to helps us accomplish our basic goals, they can contact RAIM members for specific instructions. Ideal comrades have a high level of creativity, political integrity, and personal discipline both generally and in political work.

Comrades do not need each other’s permission before engaging in this or that form of practical work which advances our basic tasks. The best projects are self-initiated and act in solidarity with the rest of the Maoist (Third Worldist) and Global New Democratic movement.

Dare to struggle, dare to win!

— Nikolai Brown

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  1. […]   Additionally, we may be able to count on a small stratum of class traitors from the exploiting classes in the U.S. to ally themselves with the exploited masses of the world. However, the primary base of the allies of the proletariat will be found in the above mentioned groups. It is important to know who and where our friends are, even if the number of friends in the U.S. is not large enough to potentiate revolution in the near future. This is because, even in imperialist countries such as the United States, we need a mass base to be effective in carrying out important tasks. As Nikolai Brown has noted on this website, the primary tasks for us in the first world include organizing a mass movement to undermine imperialism where we live and thus help support revolutionary movements around the world. Additionally, we must work to start building subjective conditions that will be conducive to future domestic revolutionary struggles [7]. We should add to this that we must build a mass movement to oppose the fascist tendencies which are likely to emerge in the U.S.   As Andrew Kliman demonstrates in his book The Failure of Capitalist Production, the overall rate of profit in the United States has been falling since the 1950′s and has never recovered. This falling rate of profit was the ultimate source of the last economic crisis, and certainly now in this economic “malaise,” profit rates show little sign of going up. What can be expected as a result is widespread austerity in an attempt to salvage profit margins, some of which we are already seeing. This has potential to re-proletarize segments of the U.S. population, but it also has a very frightening potential. Members of the Euro-Amerkan nation, with its long settler-colonial history, are unlikely to turn to communism as response to being removed from their position as net-exploiters. When a population that has essentially never known anything but prosperity at the expense of others faces dethronement from that position of privilege, extremely reactionary movements tend to emerge. It is likely that many Euro-Amerikans will turn to fascism in the coming years, just as a significant stratum of workers did in Germany and Italy after WWI, and just as some workers are today in parts of Europe. To prepare for this, we will need a strong communist movement in the United States, and we simply will not be able to build this movement if we do not know who and where our friends and enemies are. Conclusion   While more thorough investigation is needed to come to a truly concrete class analysis of the U.S., hopefully this article provides insight about where to look and what to look for. In general, the number of enemies within the United States is much larger than most first world Marxists are willing to admit. Nevertheless, there are friends of the world proletariat to be found in the U.S., largely in the oppressed nations such as the Xican@ nation, the Black nation, and the Indian nations. Although they are not the majority of the population, our task is to organize among the oppressed in the United States to undermine Amerikan imperialism and support proletarian struggles around the world, to build subjective conditions conducive to future revolutionary movements, and to counter a rising fascist movement which is likely to emerge in the United States in the coming years. -Morton Ester Notes 1. Samir Amin, Empire and Multitude.   2. See Zak Drabczyk’s summary of Cope’s work, Evidence For Global Value Transfer,   3. Nikolai Brown, Calculating the Value of Labor.   4. Richard D. Vogel, Harder Times: Undocumented Workers and the U.S. Informal Economy.   5. U.S. Bureau of the Census. Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2011.   6. Readers may note that I did not include white workers in this list. While I recognize that there are white workers who may be exploited or live in proletarian-like conditions, they are very few in number. Moreover, even poor white workers, given the Euro-Amerikan nation’s long history of settler-colonialism, tend to be very reactionary. The fact that some poor whites who could be radicalized probably exist does not mean that they are a primary base for building communist mass organization in the U.S.   7. Nikolai Brown, Dear RAIM, What to Do in the First World? […]


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