Former FBI Director and resident Russkie hunter, Robert Mueller, has dropped former Trump campaign manager Manafort through the little door and, although his neck has yet to pop, it is clear that many very important players see prefigured in this massacre their own undoing. Now, whether it is the laughable accusation of collusion, or the definite reality of corruption that brings down the Trump administration, it is clear that the current regime’s days are numbered. Whether it is a one-term presidency paralyzed by obstruction and accusation, resignation, or impeachment, the end is on the horizon. And when that day comes, the democrats will have no more songs to sing, and their post-electoral losing streak will continue. They will pat themselves on the back, smile a smug and rigored Pelosi-like grin, and they will lose. Amerikans associate democrats with non-whites, cultural relativism and neoliberalism, and republicans are white. The democrats have won a pyrrhic victory, only to be kings over the ashes.
Rus-baiting is sewn into the dank, piss-moistened tapestry that is u.$. politics, but all observers with a modicum of sentience recognize the frightening proportions this particular round of Red Dawn-inspired screeching has taken on. “Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as [colluding with Russia] by its opponents in power?” The Green Party and Bernie Sanders are russkies, Rand Paul is a russkie, Black Lives Matter are russkies, and if you’re starting to doubt any of this, you’re probably sucking cash out of Putin’s blackbelt, tovarish. We’re to believe that Nancy Pelosi, Hillary Clinton, Ana Navarro and the entire cast of that surreal cabaret known as MSNBC are actually proud wolverines, couched in the forest, watching the Russian patrols slide by, waiting for their time to rise.
Forget that, before they were robbing arms depots guerrilla-style to hit back at Ivan, liberals’ favorite pastimes included insinuating that Mitch McConnell’s Chinese-amerikan wife was the reason he supposedly supported offshoring; insinuating that mexican truckers are unskilled, dangerous, and cannot pass drug tests; musing about deporting refugee children; calling black children “superpredators” with no conscience or empathy; not to mention overseeing the systematic incarceration, execution and ghettoization of black urban populations. And refrain from thinking about the transparent corruption of the democratic party machine, its pay to play scandals, Hillary’s extreme talent for pecuniary gain at public expense, and investigations and indictments at every level. After that, it gets a lot harder to imagine democrats as freedom fighters, and a lot easier to see them for what they are: lost bourgeois geriatrics cynically exploiting their leverage with young college-types and the media to burn down the Trump presidency—which needs no help in that regard—with no realistic plan for when it actually comes falling down, along with their precious neoliberal world order.
The u.$. presidency is the last in a long line of once-respected neoliberal institutions to go the way of the UN; and whether it be the ICC, the IMF, the World Bank, the idea of democracy itself, or the concept of multiculturalism, liberal lip-service to these things in a time of mass reaction all along the line condemns them, globally, to failure. Confederation is a dirty word these days, supranationalism a slur. Europe disintegrates, the UN languishes, u.$. projects in Asia, Afrika and Latin Amerika shatter and reform and shatter again. Western-centric finance is losing ground to Chinese-oriented development schemes, and on top of all this injury, the reactionary working classes of the “advanced” countries bristle at the insult of their governments accepting paltry numbers of refugees. Neoliberalism has no supporters outside the parliaments and 24hr cable news channels of the west, and the political science departments of China. The post-war attempt to stitch the world together in the u.$.’s image has torn open, and the gangrene has set in.
Neoliberalism, as shoddy a provider as it had been for the parasitic working classes of the global north, can no longer bring home the goods, delivering neither spoils nor victory. Humiliated by popular resistance in Afghanistan, outsmarted at every turn in the cyber warfare game by China, and thwarted by Russia and Iran in Iraq, amerika turns inward, like post-Vietnam Rambo syndrome cranked up to 911. Militant identity arises again as the refrain of the amerikan imperial experience, this time joining a global trend across the european world toward tribune politics and open racialism. Amerikans have long mastered the art of scapegoating, but not since Jackson have we seen a working class so hungry for the blood of oppressed nations and so willing to admit it. The u.$. feels increasingly like a sinking ship, and I doubt any of us know precisely how low it is capable of sinking.
Congratulations, liberals. It’s not as though anyone could, or should, save the u.$. from collapsing in on itself like a neutron star of white hot self interest, but I guarantee they won’t like the taste of victory as much as they think they will—if they remember what it tastes like at all. Trump did not introduce white identity politics to amerikan political life— the pilot light of fascism lies beneath empire, and settler-colonialism especially—Trump, of course, merely stoked it. And when he falls, there will be no institutions left to captivate imaginations and collect cheap loyalty, nor to defend the liberals, or us, or anyone else. As Gramsci observed almost a century ago, western imperialist civil society acts as a buffer, a byzantine wall that fills its breaches with the rubble of discourse, litigation and civility. Once the mechanisms of consent dissolve, and they are dissolving, the state—violence and class rule personified—will be all that remains of so-called civil society. The terroristic phase of the dictatorship will begin for the enemies of the state, as it has existed for the colonized and oppressed for hundreds of years.
We, as a communist movement capable of fighting imperialism, fascism and white terror, to say nothing of taking state power, are not even approaching 1905 in terms of development. But conditions are outpacing us, and the political landscape is quickly assuming the dimensions of a 1933.